We Will Not See The Likes Of Him Soon

Robert Gates gave a splendid example of why he will be missed sorely when he steps down as Secretary of Defense next month.  His remarks at Notre Dame University's commencement provided an excellent epitome of his intellectual honesty as well as his breadth of thought and imagination.

The subject of Gate's address was the future of American national security forces--and, thus, the role to be played by the US in the world.  Pointedly, he noted that the US cannot resign its role as a Great Power.  As he commented, his travels around the world as Secretary of Defense have impressed him with the number of countries which want the US to play a larger role in global politics and not a smaller one.

In short, Dr Gates saw first hand, up close and personal, proof of the historical maxim holding no country can resign its status as a great power--although that status may be taken away by the actions of others.  In this context, the Secretary commented upon the salient--but to many on the political Left, unpleasant--reality that the final shield of American core values has been the strength and reach of our military power.

As an add-on of key importance, the Secretary warned that there existed other Great Powers whose interests and goals were not completely compatible with our national and strategic interests.  This means that only the continued capacity of the American military exists as a check on these ambitions.  It was a very clear warning to and about the Trolls of Beijing.

In his reading of history, Gates drew a lesson regarding the ability of the American people to "avert their eyes" from events occurring in distant, remote places.  It has been difficult to the point of impossibility for We the People in the past (and the present, he might have added) to see how some affair in a small and far distant country may rebound to the immediate disadvantage of the US and its citizens.  It is this willful blindness conditioned by our history on a continent protected on both east and west by broad oceans which has given rise not only to our periods of isolationism but also this diminuendo form of being unable or unwilling to connect the dots linking us with some far off place filled with people having unpronounceable names.

The implication of these twin phenomena of large scale isolationism and small scale who-cares-ism for the Secretary is that of gutting the American military.  Gates has lived through several periods during which We the People allowed--even demanded--the hollowing out of our military, air, and naval forces.  In each case, a war had just been ended.  In each case, there were strong economic imperatives in play.  In each case, We the People were sick and tired of the sacrifices required of us.  And in each case--after World War II, after the Vietnam War and after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact and Soviet Union--the ultimate impact on our capacity to conduct diplomacy as a Great Power was lessened along with our ability to wage effective war if and when required.

We are in a similar situation with these earlier periods today.  More so given the potential enervating impact of the federal deficit.  There is both a need and a set of political imperatives to engage the national debt and current deficit with effect and dispatch.  As the Secretary well knows and has publicly stated on numerous occasions, the defense appropriations cannot be held harmless during the process.  They will not be.  That is a for sure.

But, as Dr Gates argues in his Notre Dame speech, the process of reducing military expenditures cannot be done at the expense of our real world combat capacities.  Administration, overhead, some categories of personnel expenses, some force components can and should be reduced or removed all together.  Core combat and force/power projection capabilities as well as the research and development of next gen systems must be taken off the table.

As a Great Power, as the Great Power most trusted by countries around the world to act quickly and decisively in the face of threats, the US has the unique responsibility to maintain a significant full-spectrum capability which can do all missions.  The US military, air, and naval forces must be able to do it all--deter or, if necessary, defeat peer opponents, execute low or no lethality interventions, provide humanitarian relief, train and equip friendly forces--the entire ambit of war and warlike utilities.

Dr Gates made reference to a statement purportedly made by Winston Churchill after World War II, ""With greatness comes great responsibility."  It is obvious that Gates agrees with Churchill that the US cannot avoid either its greatness nor the responsibilities which come with it.  It is evident in Gates' remarks that he believes that continued American greatness depends upon getting our financial affairs in order--and by doing so without gutting our military capabilities.

Gates projects optimism regarding our will and ability to address the parlous financial condition of the country and maintain the basis of global diplomacy--our military potency.  He correctly notes all the times in our collective history when we have successfully overcome challenges as large or larger than those confronting us today.  His optimism is tempered by a clear headed understanding that the US--its military and civilian decision makers but not excluding We the People--must undertake a penetrating review of our strategic needs and national interests so as to separate properly those which are truly central from those which may be nice, desirable, optimal but remain on the periphery of core interests.

It is easy to infer from his speech that the Secretary does not think this necessary review will be accomplished either easily or quickly.  The debate will be both noisy and often uncouth, couched not in the national interest but in far more parochial concerns.  Nor will the debate end with all sides walking away with broad smiles.

The review and its consequences will be both long and not pretty.  It will be marked by missteps perhaps too many to be counted with ease.  But, when night falls Gates remains hopeful.  He demonstrated his hope by resort to another, perhaps apocryphal quote from Churchill.  "The United States will always do the right thing--after they have tried everything else."